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One outlet for this restless energy has been business. “Americans
are constantly driven to engage in commerce and industry.
. . . This is the characteristic that most distinguishes the
American people from all others,” wrote Tocqueville
in Democracy in America.21 He sensed that the American motivation
to get rich was more about the excitement of making money
than it was about wealth itself. “The desire for prosperity
has become an ardent passion . . . which they pursue for the
emotions it excites as much as for the gain it procures.”22
And these people never stopped working. “Everybody works,”
wrote Tocqueville. The aristocratic European ideal was to
become so wealthy that one did not need to labor. In America,
“work opens a way to everything; this has changed the
point of honor quite around.” To Americans it was a
disgrace not to
work.
Americans work more hours than any other people in the world.23
We’ve changed little in that regard since Tocqueville’s
day. We tend to attribute this habit to cultural influences,
without even considering biological causes. America’s
workaholism is typically attributed to its Puritanical “Protestant
work ethic.” But is it reasonable to ascribe such enormous
influence to a defunct seventeenth-century English Protestant
sect on the contemporary day-to-day behavior of hundreds of
millions of diverse Americans? The average American recalls
only the barest outline of who the Puritans were. When you
talk to these strivers, they tell you that their drive comes
from within and that they have been strongly “self-motivated”
since they were children. They hit the ground running and
couldn’t tell you why. I would attribute the number
of hours Americans work to what I call the “immigrant
work drive,” an internal biological compulsion passed
from parent to child through their hypomanic genes.
Tocqueville noticed that Americans were entrepreneurial risk
takers: “Boldness of enterprise is the foremost cause
of [America’s] rapid progress, its strength and its
greatness.” Though some individuals failed, the collective
efforts of entrepreneurs drove the nation forward. Americans
believed so deeply in the “virtue” of “commercial
temerity” that they had all but removed the stigma surrounding
financial failure:
Commercial business is there like a vast lottery, by
which a small number of men continually lose, but the state
is always the gainer. . . . Hence arises the strange indulgence
that is shown to bankrupts in the United States; their honor
does not suffer by such an accident.
At that time, a European who went bankrupt might end up in
debtor’s prison, so Tocqueville was surprised that there
was little shame in bankruptcy here. The stereotypic American
success story is of an entrepreneur who fails numerous times
before achieving his big success. Such “serial entrepreneurs”
will tell you that they shake off failure like a dog shakes
off water and are soon raring to go again with a new idea.
That America rewards and celebrates such people is culturally
unique. When asked, “Do you think that starting a new
business is a respected occupation in your community?”
91 percent of Americans said yes, as compared to 28 percent
of British and 8 percent of Japanese respondents.25 In Japan
there is still deep disgrace attached to business failure.
Men who lose their jobs often hide it from their families
and pretend to go to work each day. Some economists have argued
that Japan has been slow to bounce back from its decade-long
recession because the population has lost all taste for risk
after the fallout of the stock and real estate bubbles of
the early 1990s. Most Japanese save a substantial portion
of their money in secure savings accounts that yield zero
interest, tying up capital that could either be invested in
businesses or stimulate the economy through consumption. Americans,
by contrast, bounce back from failures, scandals, and bubbles
with infinitely renewable confidence. After the stock market
and the World Trade Center came crashing down in succession,
one might have expected a pessimistic mood to take hold in
America. But a subsequent poll taken in 2002 found that 59
percent of American college students believed that they were
on their way to becoming millionaires.26 Our immigrant genes
predispose us to optimism. “You had to be an optimist
to move. Pessimists didn’t bother,” wrote Yale
historian George Pierson.27 Because this optimism comes from
within, it is not easily discouraged by external events. And
optimism, like pessimism, often becomes a self-fulfilling
prophecy.
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